Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta partido republicano. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta partido republicano. Mostrar todas las entradas

martes, septiembre 02, 2008

TEORIAS DE FRAUDE: fundamentación política Republicana contra el Cambio Climático

En este artículo publicado en el Daily Telegraph el 31 de agosto/2008, el autor sostiene que el panel IPCC ocultó información sobre un calentamiento global previo al "supuesto actualmente", que se habría producido hace sólo 1.000 años y que habría sería conocido como el Calentamiento Medieval. Booker indica, además, que el Panel ocultaría el registro sobre un sostenido y abrupto descenso de las temperaturas observado por satélites de la Nasa.
Ambas ideas sintetizarían los enunciados del Partido Republicano de EEUU que buscan poner en duda la real existencia de una crisis climática mundial, sugiriendo que el Cambio Climático es un invento del Partido Demócrata para alternar el foco del miedo republicano al terrorismo por la inseguridad demócrata depositada en el calentamiento global.
The catastrophe behind climate change *by Christopher Booker *
Christopher Booker takes a long hard look at the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. * *Sunday Telegraph 31August 2008 * * *

As the estimated cost of measures proposed by politicians to “combat global warming” soars ever higher - such as the International Energy Council’s $45 trillion - “fighting climate change” has become the single most expensive item on the world’s political agenda.

As Senators Obama and McCain vie with the leaders of the European Union to promise 50, 60, even 80 per cent cuts in “carbon emissions”, it is clear that to realise even half their imaginary targets would necessitate a dramatic change in how we all live, and a drastic reduction in living standards.

All this makes it rather important to know just why our politicians have come to believe that global warming is the most serious challenge confronting mankind, and just how reliable is the evidence for the theory on which their policies are based.

By far the most influential player in putting climate change at the top of the global agenda has been the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), set up in 1988, not least on the initiative of the Thatcher government. (This was why the first chairman of its scientific working group was Sir John Houghton, then the head of the UK’s Meteorological Office.)

Through a succession of reports and international conferences, it was the IPCC which led to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, soon to have an even more ambitious successor, to be agreed in Copenhagen next year.

The common view of the IPCC is that it consists of 2,500 of the world’s leading scientists who, after carefully weighing all the evidence, have arrived at a “consensus” that world temperatures are rising disastrously, and that the only plausible cause has been rising levels of CO2 and other man-made greenhouse gases.

Read more by Christopher Booker
In fact, as has become ever more apparent over the past 20 years -not least thanks to the evidence of a succession of scientists who have participated in the IPCC itself - the reality of this curious body could scarcely be more different.

It is not so much a scientific as a political organisation. Its brief has never been to look dispassionately at all the evidence for man-made global warming: it has always taken this as an accepted fact.

Indeed only a comparatively small part of its reports are concerned with the science of climate change at all. The greater part must start by accepting the official line, and are concerned only with assessing the impact of warming and what should be done about it.

In reality the IPCC’s agenda has always been tightly controlled by the small group of officials at its head.

As one recent study has shown, of the 53 contributors to the key Chapter 9 of the latest report dealing with the basic science (most of them British and American, and 10 of them associated with the Hadley Centre, part of the UK Met Office), 37 belong to a closely related network of academics who are all active promoters of the official warming thesis. It is on the projections of their computer models that all the IPCC’s predictions of future warming are based.

The final step in the process is that, before each report is published, a “Summary for Policymakers” is drafted by those at the top of the IPCC, to which governments can make input. It is this which makes headlines in the media, and which all too frequently eliminates the more carefully qualified findings of contributors to the report itself.

The idea that the IPCC represents any kind of genuine scientific “consensus” is a complete fiction. Again and again there have been examples of how evidence has been manipulated to promote the official line, the most glaring instance being the notorious “hockey stick”.

Initially the advocates of global warming had one huge problem. Evidence from all over the world indicated that the earth was hotter 1,000 years ago than it is today. This was so generally accepted that the first two IPCC reports included a graph, based on work by Sir John Houghton himself, showing that temperatures were higher in what is known as the Mediaeval Warming period than they were in the 1990s.

The trouble was that this blew a mighty hole in the thesis that warming was caused only by recent man-made CO2.

Then in 1999 an obscure young US physicist, Michael Mann, came up with a new graph like nothing seen before. Instead of the familiar rises and falls in temperature over the past 1,000 years, the line ran virtually flat, only curving up dramatically at the end in a hockey-stick shape to show recent decades as easily the hottest on record.

This was just what the IPCC wanted, The Mediaeval Warming had simply been wiped from the record. When its next report came along in 2001, Mann’s graph was given top billing, appearing right at the top of page one of the Summary for Policymakers and five more times in the report proper.

But then two Canadian computer analysts, Steve McIntyre and Ross McKitrick, got to work on how Mann had arrived at his graph.

When, with great difficulty, they eventually persuaded Mann to hand over his data, it turned out he had built into his programme an algorithm which would produce a hockey stick shape whatever data were fed into it. Even numbers from the phonebook would come out looking like a hockey stick.

By the time of its latest report, last year, the IPCC had an even greater problem. Far from continuing to rise in line with rising CO2, as its computer models predicted they should, global temperatures since the abnormally hot year of 1998 had flattened out at a lower level and were even falling - a trend confirmed by Nasa’s satellite readings over the past 18 months.

So pronounced has this been that even scientists supporting the warmist thesis now concede that, due to changes in ocean currents, we can expect a decade or more of “cooling”, before the “underlying warming trend” reappears.

The point is that none of this was predicted by the computer models on which the IPCC relies. Among the ever-growing mountain of informed criticism of the IPCC’s methods, a detailed study by an Australian analyst John McLean (to find it, Google “Prejudiced authors, prejudiced findings”) shows just how incestuously linked are most of the core group of academics whose models underpin everything the IPCC wishes us to believe about global warming.

The significance of the past year is not just that the vaunted “consensus” on the forces driving our climate has been blown apart as never before, but that a new “counter-consensus” has been emerging among thousands of scientists across the world, given expression in last March’s Manhattan Declaration by the so-called Non-Governmental Panel on Climate Change.

This wholly repudiates the IPCC process, showing how its computer models are hopelessly biased, based on unreliable data and programmed to ignore many of the genuine drivers of climate change, from variations in solar activity to those cyclical shifts in ocean currents.

As it was put by Roger Cohen, a senior US physicist formerly involved with the IPCC process, who long accepted its orthodoxy: “I was appalled at how flimsy the case is. I was also appalled at the behaviour of many of those who helped produce the IPCC reports and by many of those who promote it.

“In particular I am referring to the arrogance, the activities aimed at shutting down debate; the outright fabrications; the mindless defense of bogus science; and the politicisation of the IPCC process and the science process itself.”

Yet it is at just this moment, when the IPCC’s house of cards is crumbling, that the politicians of the Western world are using it to propose steps that can only damage our way of life beyond recognition. It really is time for that “counter-consensus” to be taken seriously.

This article shows clearly that the mindless pronouncements of climate change politicians are based on scientific fraud. As a US citizen as well as the British Civil List Scientist I strongly advocate voting Republican in the next Presidential election. I have been consistently opposing the global warming fraud and the wind turbine fraud for about a decade, and I am on record as doing so. In fact I have posted hundreds of messages on this site opposing both ideas.

jueves, julio 17, 2008

Horner y su visión republicana: el dinero está detrás de las teorías catastrofistas sobre el clima

El abogado estadounidense Chris Horner, miembro del Partido Republicano de EEUU -catálogado como "el diablo" según la ministra del Medioambiente española- dispara una vez más sobre el ambientalismo mundial en este artículo de Miguel Gomez para El Dia.es
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Chris Horner relaciona los grandes intereses empresariales y la "politización de la ciencia" como el consenso sobre el cambio climático. Por MIGUEL GÓMEZ, Adeje. El Día.es

El californiano Chris Horner es una de las voces más críticas contra el aparente consenso que existe alrededor del cambio climático. Miembro del Instituto Competitivo de la Empresa y abogado del Estado en Washington, Horner refuta la extendida idea de que son los detractores de las teorías que relacionan actividad industrial y calentamiento global quienes cuentan con el apoyo de los grandes intereses empresariales. Todo lo contrario, sostiene que para saber quién está detrás de las tesis más "alarmistas" es necesario "seguir la corriente del dinero".

La lucha contra el cambio climático y el respaldo a las directrices del Protocolo de Kyoto "tuvo un origen ideológico, pero luego empresas como Enron y BP comprendieron que había mucho dinero en juego". Horner revela la existencia de un memorando interno de Enron, fechado en el año 1997, en el que se dice que el protocolo recoge las aspiraciones de la empresa y todo aquello por lo que había estado haciendo presión. "Si se consigue implementar va a hacer más por el negocio de Enron que ninguna otra iniciativa reguladora que modifique la estructura del gas y la energía en Europa y Estados Unidos. Esta posición deberíamos ir cultivándola cada vez más y sacarle partido económico", reza el texto remitido a un alto cargo de la entidad gasista.

Según el abogado norteamericano, el alarmismo medioambiental beneficia a las empresas porque crea un nuevo mercado para algunos productos que aún carecen de él, como los molinos de energía eólica, promociona otros que necesitan mejorar su aceptación popular, como la energía nuclear, y mejora el posicionamiento de otros, como el gas. En cuanto al caso concreto de Enron -para la que Chris Horner trabajó-, se dedicaba principalmente al gas natural, pero compró las mayores empresas de energía eólica y solar y, una vez adquiridas, "trató de tener una agenda política que les diera valor".

La articulación de un "falso consenso" acerca del cambio climático, sus causas y consecuencias está siendo uno de los motivos centrales del curso centrado en esta materia que ofrece la Universidad de Verano de Adeje. Horner se muestra escéptico respecto a la "legitimidad" de esta posición aparentemente unánime. En primer lugar, recuerda que "la propia idea del consenso proviene del mundo de la política, no de la ciencia. En ese sentido, la ciencia ha sido claramente politizada", expone.

La instrumentación política que denuncia el abogado estadounidense se refleja, a su entender, en el sistema de votos por el que se alcanza el acuerdo. "Los más de 2.000 científicos que han llegado a ese consenso no han estado dirigidos por un científico, sino por un economista. [Rajendra Pachauri, presidente del Panel Intergubernamental de Expertos sobre el Cambio Climático (IPCC)]. Si investigamos de qué tipo de científicos se trata nos encontramos con casos, por ejemplo, como instructores de políticas de transporte, asistentes universitarios en antropología y en la dimensión humana del cambio medioambiental y cosas por el estilo. Parece más bien el consenso de una nomenclatura", explica.

Histeria

En el caso del calentamiento global, los datos y las actitudes no se ponen de acuerdo, indica Chris Horner, quien, en este sentido, recuerda que en los últimos diez años se ha producido una "rápida y asombrosa escalada en el histerismo" respecto al cambio climático, mientras que en el mismo periodo se ha dado un enfriamiento, un descenso de las temperaturas.

"Especialmente en los últimos tres años, el número de artículos científicos que cuestionan ese consenso se ha ido incrementado cada vez más, pero lo curioso es que de eso nunca se oye hablar, porque se supone que el debate ya se ha cerrado y sobre eso no debemos hablar". A este respecto, Horner ironiza con el hecho de que, pese a que supuestamente se ha cerrado el debate, siguen invirtiéndose millones de dólares en investigaciones relacionadas con el cambio climático, más que en otros problemas como el del sida.

El ex vicepresidente americano Al Gore, principal adalid de la lucha contra el calentamiento global, es considerado por Chris Horner "el mejor contrincante que podía imaginar", dado que sus "evidentes contradicciones" terminan volviéndose contra sus argumentos. "Dice a los negros que paren de tener hijos y él tiene cuatro perfectamente rubios, dice a la gente que sólo debe tener una casa y pequeña y él tiene cuatro", relata a modo de ejemplo.

Sobre la postura que pudiera adoptar Barak Obama si finalmente resulta elegido presidente del Gobierno de EEUU, Horner advierte de que "el problema es que nadie sabe cuál es su posición o qué es lo que hará". De cualquier manera, el abogado -que apuesta más bien por el candidato republicano- apostilla que "cualquiera que diga que está seguro de quién va a salir elegido tiene tanta credibilidad como quien les diga que está seguro de cuál será el futuro del clima".